In 2010, the ACLU put out an ad featuring a picture of President Obama morphing over several frames into a picture of President Bush and asking, "What will it be, Mr. President? Change or more of the same?" Now, we may need to revise it, because while Obama definitely seems intent on more of the same, he looks and sounds more and more like President Nixon.

In 1977, Nixon baldly stated, "When the president does it, that means it's not illegal." The statement alone is chilling enough, particularly in the wake of the Watergate scandal, but its precise context only makes it more so. Nixon was responding to the question, in his famous television interview with David Frost, "whether there are certain situations . . . where the president can decide that it's in the best interests of the nation . . . and do something illegal."

Nixon's circular statement neatly sums up the imperial presidency and the dangers created when the constitutional balance is upset and the president wields unchecked power. It also bears a striking resemblance to the justifications this administration has used to justify the targeted killing program. And it underscores the way in which the executive branch tends to push the limits of its authority and often exceeds it.

Consider how the targeted killing program -- at least the little that we know about it -- seems to have expanded just in the last year.
Last March, the Obama administration claimed the authority to kill people, including U.S. citizens, in countries in which we are not at war if the president determines them to be a significant threat to the nation. It claimed authority to do this -- to kill Americans -- without any review of the standard for determining when an individual is a significant threat or the evidence against any particular individual, either before or after the killings.

We were told to trust the president, that there is nothing to see or question here, because he understands the need to be "judicious," and because he personally makes the final call on the names of those to be added to the kill list. And we were told that the executive branch alone should decide whether constitutional safeguards are satisfied when the government claims authority to kill.
In other words, if the president orders the killing, it must be legal.

Now, based on a leaked white paper, we learn that the president believes that an "informed, high-level" official of the U.S. government may order the killing of an American -- even if the official has no information suggesting the target is engaged in an active plot to attack the U.S. -- without the president's personal and specific approval.

In other words, if some undisclosed official in the executive department orders the killing, it's legal?

The president seemed intent on garnering credit for making himself personally responsible for these targeted killings. He deserves nothing but the harshest criticism, however, for claiming that the executive can wield the power to kill U.S. citizens with no accountability, whether before or even after the fact.

U.S. citizens, even those accused of being enemies of the state, have the right to due process under the Constitution, and the president can't unilaterally decide that he has provided all the process that is due when he decides to kill them. We should trust neither Obama nor any other president to make such grave decisions without the basic checks and balances that the Constitution has demanded for over two hundred years. That would be true even if we had not lived through the past 10 years, in which so many individuals, including American citizens, have been wrongly accused of being terrorists.

If Obama wants to follow the lead of any past presidents, he might want to consider James Madison, who warned that abuse of power and loss of liberty "at home" is most likely to be justified by "provisions against danger, real or pretended, from abroad."

If the president can unilaterally implement a secret program that kills U.S. citizens abroad based on secret legal standards and secret evidence, what's to stop him from engaging in similar targeted killings here at home? Won't due process likewise give way when balanced against the need to protect other Americans? In other words, won't the alleged threat to national security always trump the inconvenience of permitting Congress and the judiciary to exercise any modicum of oversight?

Date

Thursday, February 7, 2013 - 1:15pm

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By Julia Harumi Mass, ACLU of Northern California

Bertha Mejia is a 53-year-old grandmother who fled political violence and sexual abuse in her native El Salvador as a girl. She has four U.S. citizen children and is the primary caretaker for her 9-year-old grandson, Pablo. The victim of rape at the hands of her employer, Ms. Mejia has a strong case for a "U-visa," a type of visa for victims of crime who cooperate with law enforcement. The police have already certified that Ms. Mejia is a victim who has assisted the police in apprehending the perpetrator.

Unfortunately, Ms. Mejia also has a shoplifting problem. She began stealing food as a child to feed her brothers and sisters. She has had a series of minor offenses, mostly related to stealing food items, and was diagnosed with kleptomania in 2011. Ms. Mejia has no violent criminal history and has strong claims for legal immigration status, yet she has spent the last 16 months in immigration detention solely based on her shoplifting offenses. Her detention is based on a 1996 law that purports to authorize prolonged mandatory detention during immigration proceedings even for individuals who pose no threat to public safety.

Today, the ACLU of Northern California, along with Ms. Mejia's immigration attorney Rosy Cho, filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus, seeking Ms. Mejia's release. We argue that Congress could not have authorized prolonged detention based only on a record that includes a crime of "moral turpitude" (like shoplifting or writing a bad check), without requiring the government to convince a neutral judge that prolonged detention is justified because the detainee poses a danger to the community or is a flight risk.

Ms. Mejia has no violent criminal history and poses no danger to the community. Her loved ones all live in the vicinity of where her immigration court proceedings are held. While her application for the U-visa is pending, Ms. Mejia has every reason to appear at all court hearings and pursue immigration relief. And yet, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which has the discretion to release her with any conditions that they find suitable, such as bond or electronic monitoring, refuses to do so. The immigration judge who presides over her case has ruled that he has no authority to release her and so Bertha Mejia languishes in the Yuba County Jail.
Ms. Mejia is only one of many immigrants confined in an irrational detention system. On any given day, over 30,000 immigrants are locked up in facilities around the country as they fight their deportation cases. Many are subject to mandatory detention and are denied even a hearing before an immigration judge to determine whether their detention is justified. This overuse of incarceration not only shatters immigrant families, but also squanders taxpayer money.

As almost everyone acknowledges, our immigration system is in need of reform. In addition to providing a pathway toward citizenship to the many who already contribute to our culture and communities, reform must also include common sense solutions to our current unconstitutional, inhumane, and wasteful immigration detention practices.

Date

Thursday, February 7, 2013 - 1:15pm

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Last year was jam-packed with stories of companies making costly mistakes on user privacy and free speech. To help companies get a fresh start in 2013, the ACLU of California has just released the new edition of Privacy and Free Speech: It's Good for Business.

This primer is a practical, how-to guide illustrating how businesses can build privacy and free speech protections into their products and services – and what can happen if they don't.

The guide features dozens of real-life case studies from A(mazon) to Z(ynga) and updated recommendations for policies and practices to take the guesswork out of avoiding expensive lawsuits, government investigations, and public relations nightmares. It walks companies through essential questions and lays out steps to spot potential privacy and free speech issues in products and business models and address these issues head-on.

No company wants to get insta-hate for poorly thought-out policy decisions, lose tens of thousands of domain customers like Go-Daddy, or get hit like Google with a $22.5 million dollar fine by the Federal Trade Commission. It's far better to be on the flip side, garnering praise like small search engine DuckDuckGo for having strong privacy practices or Twitter for safeguarding the free speech of users. The tips in the ACLU guide can help companies start 2013 off right, avoid preventable mistakes, and build customer loyalty.

Five things companies can do to protect user privacy and free speech:

  • Respect your data. Companies should carefully evaluate the costs of collecting and retaining data to avoid the fallout, lawsuits, and government fines that Path suffered for silently uploading users' contacts.
  • Stand up for your users' rights. Companies can earn public praise and user trust for protecting user privacy rights like Amazon or for supporting free speech like Facebook.
  • Plan ahead. Incorporate privacy and security from start to finish, and evaluate these practices as the company grows.
  • Be Transparent. Give users the ability to make informed choices by letting them know what data you collect, and how it can be used, shared, or demanded by the government. Transparency reports like Google's are important tools.
  • Encourage users to speak freely. Give users control over the content they access and the tools they use rather than censoring content like PayPal.

Baking in strong privacy and free speech protections isn't just the right thing to do – dozens of recent controversies highlight just how important it is for business too. By learning from other companies' mistakes and building on their privacy and free speech successes, businesses can hopefully make 2013 a profitable and privacy and free speech-friendly year for everyone.

View the primer online at aclunc.org/business/primer.

Date

Wednesday, February 6, 2013 - 5:15pm

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